The U.S. in Haiti as a corruptible element

June 7, 2004

The U.S. in Haiti as a corruptible element did not begin with the events of February 29, 2004 where military barracks replaced a school, nor where U.S. Marines did nothing to stop the releasing of 3,000 Haitian prisoners in Port au Prince. The subversion of Haitian democracy, Haitian justice, prison and police system continued from the first U.S.-supported Coup D'etat unabated. That is, despite the U.S. return of President Aristide. Besides the well documented destabilization tools of creating an artificial crisis before February 5 through 29, 2004, through mass media propaganda, IRI, NED, USAID, U.S. Embassy and even OAS and European Union support and funding of a phony "civil society" opposition with minuscule popular support base, the training and arming of former Haitian soldiers and paramilitaries and a U.S. humanitarian embargo against the people of Haiti, there was a consistent recruitment process going on in Haiti to strum political and developmental paralysis and create the political climate of chaos and disorder that culminated in the lost of life, since February 29, 2004 of at least 3,000 Haitians with the destruction of Haitian property and assets, including the assets of Haitian-Americans who sends close to $900 million dollars a year to support their families and family's assets in Haiti.

The tools for the recruitment process for Haitian saboteurs to destabilize Haiti come in many forms, including use of U.S. immigration laws, use of U.S power in the world to seek asylum arrangements for ex-military officers, convicted killers and suspected drugdealers who participated in the first Coup d'etat against the people's mandate; use of the visa carrot and U.S. funding to recruit and subvert journalist, students, disappointed former Lavalas and most insidious of all, the use the professional training programs in Haiti and the war on drugs and terrorism to, sometimes manufacture conflicts and subvert otherwise clean and non-coopted Haitian police officers and Lavalas officials attempting to sincerely carry out their service duties on behalf of the mass Haitian electorate.  Haiti does not need, nor do the Haitian populace want, any government authority to cuddle drugdealers and human rights violators. Yet, it has been alleged that many times the U.S. agents in Haiti are not so concerned about eradicating drug dealing and assisting with Haitian democracy and that, in fact, drug enforcement and supporting Haitian justice system has little to do with U.S. presence because, for the most part, as long as the U.S. agents find a Haitian useful to their war against Haitian democracy and President Aristide then they don't seem to care about that persons actual involvement in drug-dealing or human rights violations.

Examine, for example, the Guy Philippe, Jean Tatoune and Louis Jodel Chamblain not to mention the Michel Francois cases. Examine further the Toto Constant and Toussaint cases and how the use of U.S. jail and promises of leniency or asylum operates to undermine the institutionalization of Haitian justice at the article "A Marked Man" By Jim DeFede, Miami Newtimes, August 28 -September 3, 1997; and, for further background information, "Separating Cops, Spies" by Sam Skolnik written in March 1, 1999, Legal Times, and the Harkin's Senate speech regarding the credibility of those who furnish information to U.S. policymakers about President Aristide and Haiti in general.

Marguerite Laurent
Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network
(Dedicated to protecting the human, civil and cultural rights of Haitians
living at home and abroad)

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